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What happened to the SNP the last time they had an unpopular leader?

by qwertyfan
April 27, 2023
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The SNP have been here before.  Only in one specific sense, of course – they haven’t been through this kind of financial and potentially legal crisis that a minority of commentators believe to be existential in nature.  But in relatively recent history they’ve chosen an unsuitable leader who the public didn’t take to, and they eventually had to rectify that mistake – although it took a lot longer than it perhaps should have done.

It seems like a peculiar dream in retrospect, but for four whole years between 2000 and 2004, John Swinney was leader of the SNP.  I can recall Professor John Curtice periodically going on Newsnight Scotland in the early years of devolution pointing out something that SNP members simply didn’t want to hear, and in many cases refused to hear – that Swinney was holding the party back, because he was the least popular of the four main party leaders.  He was less popular than Henry McLeish and later Jack McConnell, he was less popular than Jim Wallace, and he was less popular than even David McLetchie of the Tories.  

This was a “does not compute” reality for the SNP, because they had told themselves a very plausible-sounding story of why the Swinney leadership was going to work.  He was far less divisive than his predecessor Alex Salmond and offended almost no-one.  He had a dependable bank manager air about him and thus should be reassuring to moderate voters.  He was like the gentle older brother you looked up to, and thus would be more likeable than machine politicians offered up by Labour.  All of these things ought to have been true in theory but weren’t true in practice, yet the SNP clung to the “ought to be” rather than the “is”, and sometimes even blamed the party’s failings on insufficient unity behind the Swinney project.  There are very clear parallels with the situation under Humza Yousaf, with loyalists telling themselves “he’s an excellent leader, he was great at FMQs, he hasn’t put a foot wrong, he’s been flawless”, etc, etc, etc, etc, and refusing to take heed of polls telling the opposite story.  

There are of course key differences between then and now.  In 2000, the SNP hadn’t yet broken through to become the largest party, and were still a long way behind Labour, so the potential for an unpopular leader to do damage to the party’s support was much less severe.  Swinney’s election as leader hadn’t been by anything like such a narrow margin and hadn’t taken place in such controversial circumstances.  There also wasn’t an obvious Forbes equivalent in the wings, ie. a much more popular alternative leader who clearly should have been elected instead.  Nicola Sturgeon was still too inexperienced, and Alex Salmond appeared to have ruled out any comeback, meaning that anyone who succeeded Swinney might be just as unsuitable as he was.

But eventually poor election results caught up with Swinney, just the same.  Four major elections occurred during his period in office, and all of them saw the SNP going backwards – exactly as you’d expect to happen under an unpopular leader.

2001 general election:

Labour 43.9% (-1.7)
SNP 20.1% (-2.0)
Liberal Democrats 16.4% (+3.4)
Conservatives 15.6% (-1.9)

Seats: Labour 56 (-), Liberal Democrats 10 (-), SNP 5 (-1), Conservatives 1 (+1)
Although the SNP managed to restrict their losses to one seat, that was an incredibly significant one seat, because it got the Tories back into the game after their total wipeout in 1997.

2003 Scottish Parliament constituency ballot:

Labour 34.6% (-4.2)
SNP 23.8% (-4.9)
Conservatives 16.6% (+1.2)
Liberal Democrats 15.4% (+1.2)

2003 Scottish Parliament regional list ballot:

Labour 29.3% (-4.3)
SNP 20.9% (-6.4)
Conservatives 15.5% (+0.1)
Liberal Democrats 11.8% (-0.6)
Greens 6.9% (+3.3)
SSP 6.7% (+4.7)

Seats: Labour 50 (-6), SNP 27 (-8), Conservatives 18 (-), Liberal Democrats 17 (-), Greens 7 (+6), SSP 6 (+5), Others 4 (+3)
The 2003 Holyrood result is fascinating in retrospect, because it did see an increase in overall pro-indy representation due to the strong list showings for the Greens, the SSP, and Margo MacDonald as an independent candidate.  That arguably paved the way to some extent for Alex Salmond’s triumph in 2007.  But for the SNP as an individual party, 2003 was a horror show, and that can be largely explained by the public not viewing Swinney as a credible option for First Minister.

2003 local elections:

Labour 32.6% (-3.7)
SNP 24.1% (-4.6)
Conservatives 15.1% (+1.6)
Liberal Democrats 14.5% (+1.9)

Seats: Labour 509 (-42), SNP 181 (-23), Liberal Democrats 175 (+18). Conservatives 122 (+14), Others 234 (+33)

2004 European Parliament election:

Labour 26.4% (-2.3)
SNP 19.7% (-7.5)
Conservatives 17.8% (-2.0)
Liberal Democrats 13.1% (+3.3)
Greens 6.8% (+1.0)
UKIP 6.7% (+5.4)
SSP 5.2% (+1.2)
Seats: Labour 2 (-1), SNP 2 (-), Conservatives 2 (-), Liberal Democrats 1 (-)
It was, of course, the shock of the massive 7.5-point reduction in the SNP’s share of the popular vote in the Euro election that led directly to Swinney’s resignation.  
So that carries two lessons for the present-day.  Firstly, there is a way in which an SNP leader can be toppled, although because it depends on the leader ultimately being self-aware enough to read the room and fall on his sword, it may be harder to dislodge the famously arrogant Humza Yousaf than it was to dislodge Swinney.  And secondly, there is such a thing as a good election to lose.  If the SNP hadn’t done so poorly in 2004, they probably wouldn’t have taken power in 2007, because Alex Salmond would never have returned to the helm.  
But here’s the thing: the SNP were incredibly lucky to have found an election that was shocking enough to persuade Swinney to go, but that had no wider consequences.  They didn’t even lose seats in the European Parliament, and if they had done, it wouldn’t have mattered much in the overall scheme of things.  Losing 20, 30 or 40 Westminster seats next year certainly would matter, and would hobble any leader who replaces Yousaf.  That’s why it’s so important, if at all humanly possible, to dislodge Yousaf before that disaster actually occurs.
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